No One Buys Just the Chips
Every AI agreement Washington signs ties chips and models to minerals, energy, and weapons — and every country negotiates it alone.
In July, the Commerce Department gave the United Arab Emirates license-free access to American AI chips and military equipment, a status usually reserved for NATO members. It justified the move not in technological terms but by pointing to the Emirates' designation as a "Major Defense Partner" and its trillion dollars of American investment. [1] A chip license, earned through a military title.
will significantly upgrade the status of the United Arab Emirates — United States Department of Commerce
Months earlier, the same two governments had signed a quieter accord: the Emirati state oil company ADNOC would supply energy for Microsoft's data centers in exchange for access to the company's AI tools. [2] The American signature belonged neither to the Commerce nor the State Secretary but to the Interior Secretary — the cabinet officer who runs public lands and federal energy and mineral leases, not, on paper, artificial intelligence or foreign affairs. Why does a chip license need a military designation, and why does an AI deal get signed by the public-lands department? Neither is a quirk. Set the deals in a row and the shape appears. Australia signed its critical-minerals agreement last October, and the access it bought came with a full shopping list: $1.2 billion in American drones and $2.6 billion in Apache helicopters, a pledge to steer $1.44 trillion in Australian retirement savings into US markets, and a reaffirmation of the AUKUS submarine pact. [3] A wealthy ally could not get minerals access without buying weapons and pledging capital. Taiwan's pact folds AI supply-chain access together with submarine-cable protection, drone-component certification, and $500 billion in investment and credit. [4] Malaysia was offered American civil-nuclear cooperation to power its data-center ambitions, and the Secretary of State described the offer in terms that made the condition plain. [5]
a signal to the world of how civil nuclear cooperation is something that is available. — Marco Rubio
India committed its rare earths to the Quad minerals initiative, then watched the United States direct Anthropic to suspend its access to advanced models — a partner learning, mid-handshake, that the tap could be turned off. [6] The reason each of these is a separate, one-on-one negotiation rather than a collective one was stated out loud at the New Delhi summit where Pax Silica was launched.
We totally reject global governance of AI. — Michael Kratsios
That was Michael Kratsios, the White House science adviser. [7] Rejecting a UN-led framework is not a stylistic preference. It means there is no table at which thirty-five countries can pool their leverage; each government walks into the room alone, against the party that controls the chips, the models, and the capital. No American official has said outright that keeping each counterpart isolated is the goal. But the effect does not depend on the intent, and the counterparties describe that effect with precision. BRICS pressed for UN-led governance of AI for exactly this reason, warning that fragmented, country-by-country dealmaking sidelines smaller nations. [8] A report from ANZ put the same pressure in economic terms: economies not embedded in the US AI sector are finding it harder to attract foreign capital, and sound domestic fundamentals no longer guarantee the money keeps coming. [9]
Economies that are not embedded in the US AI sector are finding it harder to attract foreign capital. — ANZ
By spring, the argument had migrated from bank analysts to diplomats. At the United Nations, a forum co-chaired by China and Zambia demanded the multilateral access Washington has ruled out, and Zambia's representative put the dilemma in her own words. [10]
For Zambia and for many of our partners across Africa and the wider Global South, the question is no longer whether to engage with AI, but how to ensure that our engagement is inclusive, equitable and firmly anchored in our own development priorities. — Chola Milambo
None of this is visible in any single agreement. Read one deal and you see a transaction — a chip license, a minerals pact, a nuclear accord. It is only when the row is laid out that the silhouette resolves: no country is being sold AI access by itself. Each is being sold the whole bundle, and asked to sign alone. Whether that invisibility is the design or merely its consequence, the country on the other side of the table experiences them as the same thing.
- 1. US Commerce Department Eases AI and Military Export Controls for UAE
- 2. UAE and U.S. Sign Energy and AI Cooperation Agreements
- 3. Trump and Albanese Sign $8.5 Billion Critical Minerals Deal
- 4. U.S. and Taiwan Sign Pax Silica Supply Chain Pact
- 5. Southeast Asian Nations Revive Nuclear Power for AI Demand
- 6. US and India Sign Critical Minerals Pact in New Delhi
- 7. US Rejects UN Global AI Governance at New Delhi Summit
- 8. BRICS Nations Call for UN-Led Global AI Governance
- 9. US Asset Efficiency Drives Capital Outflow from Asian Markets
- 10. China and Zambia Urge UN to Expand AI Access