The Pressure Congress Built for Moscow Has Settled on Kyiv

In September 2025 Congress built a weapon and aimed it at Russian energy. The Graham Act cleared the Senate 86-11 and the House 262-159, authorizing tariffs of up to 100 percent on the biggest buyers of Russian oil and gas, and naming the shadow fleet of tankers that evade sanctions as its target in the text. ^[1][2] Thirteen months later the White House reached for that same law and turned it around. The October 16 order invoked section 115(a), the act's own waiver clause, to license Russian diesel straight into American ports and lower pump prices before the November 3 midterms. ^[3] The administration's own words explain the turn.

Pursuant to section 115(a) of the Graham Act, I hereby waive the application of any duties provided for in sections 112 and 113 of the Graham Act or this order — Donald Trump

From there the fix climbed three rungs in six days. October 10: Russia partially lifted the diesel export ban it had imposed on itself after Ukrainian drone strikes shut its refineries, on a direct deal between Trump and Putin. Peskov noted that distribution runs through traders, so no direct requests were necessary. ^[4] October 15: Washington weighed loosening its own grip on the shadow fleet to cut freight costs. The Energy Department insisted the relief "would not assist Russia in moving oil products" — against the act's own text, which describes that fleet as the evasion tool the law was written to catch. ^[5] October 16, the rung that slows. The order licensed an immediate 300,000 tonnes and a deal of more than 1.8 million tonnes, with Rubio framing it as a 60-day pause to study tariffs, in passing. ^[3] The Kremlin chose a word for it.

It only fuels their satisfaction and their desire to keep killing people. — Volodymyr Zelenskyy

The act's own sponsors ruptured. Twelve senators demanded the waiver be rescinded, Ted Cruz and Thom Tillis called it "beyond reprehensible and unconscionable," and intelligence chairman Tom Cotton declined to join them. ^[6] Now the ledger flips to Kyiv. The drone strikes were what had squeezed Moscow in the first place — the Perm refinery shut down entirely, Russian refining at its lowest since 2002, gasoline short at nearly half the country's stations. ^[7] The demand to stop hitting the very refineries that American-bound diesel comes from has been on the table since September 25, when Trump told Ukraine to halt the strikes and Zelenskyy refused.

our lives are more important than the price of energy — Volodymyr Zelenskyy

After the waiver, the White House cut Ukraine's access to Starshield satellite services and reduced intelligence sharing. ^[3] Trump supplied the texture of the moment.

I find Zelensky to be more difficult to deal with than Putin. — Donald Trump

Set Moscow's column beside it and it stays empty. No reciprocal demand. Through the energy ceasefire Trump had declared, October 14 to 17, Russian strikes kept hitting Ukraine's grid and left more than a million Ukrainians without power. ^[8] Putin concurrently declared a security zone inside Ukrainian territory and praised the strikes.

We’re counting on them to put more pressure on Putin, not on us. — Volodymyr Zelenskyy

The receipts are brisk. The same day as the waiver, the IEA reported record diesel refining margins near $95 a barrel and pump diesel at $6.29. ^[9] The next day, rising diesel costs were projected to wipe out a $2.9 billion Walmart tariff-refund benefit. ^[10] The cheaper fuel had not arrived. The ground kept refusing its assigned roles. In the same window Ukraine ran 2,730 drones at Moscow's airports rather than stand down. ^[11]

the safe days in Russia’s skies are over. — Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Zelenskyy put it plainly.

It definitely helps only the Russians. — Volodymyr Zelenskyy

The pressure Congress built to put on Moscow has come to rest on Kyiv. Washington has asked nothing of Moscow at all.